By Ana Celia Zentella
This publication bargains an exhilarating new standpoint on language socialization in Latino households. Tackling mainstream perspectives of formative years and the position and nature of language socialization, top researchers and instructor running shoes supply a historic, political, and cultural context for the language attitudes and socialization practices that support confirm what and the way Latino childrens converse, learn, and write. Representing an intensive departure from the ways that such a lot educators were taught to consider first language acquisition and moment language studying, this well timed quantity: * Introduces the theories and techniques of language socialization with memorable case experiences of kids and their households. * Highlights the variety of Latino groups, overlaying young children and caretakers of Mexican, Caribbean, and crucial American foundation residing in Chicago, San Antonio, the San Francisco Bay sector, la, San Diego, Miami, Tucson, and big apple urban. * deals vital insights into the ways that youngsters discover ways to converse and browse by means of negotiating overlapping and/or conflicting cultural types. * indicates common practices to facilitate language socialization in multilingual groups, together with functions for academics.
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This publication deals an exhilarating new viewpoint on language socialization in Latino households. Tackling mainstream perspectives of early life and the position and nature of language socialization, best researchers and instructor running shoes offer a old, political, and cultural context for the language attitudes and socialization practices that support verify what and the way Latino young children communicate, learn, and write.
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Additional info for Building on strength: language and literacy in Latino families and communities
Some of the most productive literacy events are linked to religious activities (Chapter 5, this volume) and/or games. In El Barrio, Isabel, who never sat down with her children to read, joined a Spanish Bible study group where texts were read and discussed aloud, and she took her children twice a week. Also, everyone in that family was a Scrabble fanatic, playing with English words for hours on end. When I was a child, I thought my mother invented Scrabble because she cut paper bags into squares and wrote a letter of the alphabet on each; we sat on the floor and put words together.
Antonia and Luís Lozano (all the names in this chapter are pseudonyms), who immigrated to the northern California community of San Ignacio when their daughter Lupita was 3, illustrate one strategy of concurrent home and school language maintenance. Offered a choice within their local school district, the Lozanos chose to enroll Lupita in a bilingual program, a move they hoped would support her use of Spanish in everyday interactions. ) Luís, who spoke threshold English, worked seasonally in manual labor.
The association of mother-tongue loss with impoverishment emerges clearly in her account of the vision that led to her conversion, as it were, to a stance that sought to maximize her children’s exposure to and use of Spanish: Anteriormente yo les hablaba en inglés y me respondían en inglés, y en una ocasión . . miré un programa en la televisión . . un jovencito Mexicano, que trató de hablar en español y lo habló TAN mal, verdad. . Entonces me— me— hice en mi imaginación que eso sería el reflejo queque- van tomando mis hijos en el futuro, verdad?